Issues

صحافة واعلام

Trump’s Strategic Reorientation and the Marginalization of the Middle East

28 Jan 2026

Trump’s Strategic Reorientation and the Marginalization of the Middle East

Professor Mohammed Ihsan

Donald Trump’s foreign policy outlook reflects a deliberate reorientation of American strategic priorities, one in which the Middle East no longer occupies the central position it once held in U.S. grand strategy. Across interviews, campaign speeches, and policy decisions, Trump has consistently articulated skepticism toward prolonged American engagement in the region. His repeated criticism of the 2003 invasion of Iraq serves as both a political and strategic reference point. Trump frames the war as a catastrophic miscalculation that resulted in massive loss of life, enormous financial costs, and long-term regional instability without delivering proportional benefits to the United States.

This critique is not merely retrospective. It functions as a foundational argument within Trump’s broader “America First” framework, which emphasizes strategic restraint, cost-benefit calculations, and the rejection of ideological interventionism. In this view, U.S. foreign policy should prioritize tangible national interests rather than abstract commitments to regional stability or democratic transformation. The Middle East, marked by entrenched conflicts and complex sectarian dynamics, is thus portrayed as a region where American involvement yields diminishing returns.

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Urgent Appeal for the Protection of the Kurdish People in Syria

 

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Dr. Mohamed Ihsan

Saturday 17 Jan 2026

Open Letter to President Trump

Subject: Urgent Appeal for the Protection of the Kurdish People in Syria

Dear President Trump,

My name is Professor Mohammed Ihsan, and I serve as Secretary General of the Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Organization (AAPSO), an institution founded in 1958 in the aftermath of the Bandung Conference and grounded in the principles of non‑alignment, self‑determination, and social justice. I write to you in this capacity, informed by both the institutional responsibility I carry and my professional experience in law, human rights, and post‑conflict governance.

For more than six decades, AAPSO has provided a moral and political platform for the peoples of Africa and Asia in their shared struggle against colonialism, external domination, and injustice. Today, amid renewed global inequality and protracted conflicts, the organization continues to advocate for a just, democratic, and multipolar global order aligned with the principles of the United Nations Charter and the aspirations of the Global South.

My professional life has focused on the defense of human dignity in contexts of conflict and transition. I am a scholar of international law and political science, a genocide expert, and have served in several ministerial roles within the Kurdistan Regional Government, including as Minister of Human Rights, where I led efforts to document mass atrocities and recover victims of the Anfal campaign. I currently serve as Senior Research Fellow at King’s College London, Senior Visiting Professor at Yale University, and Honorary Senior Professor at the University of Exeter. Across Europe, Asia, and Latin America, my work has focused on post‑conflict reconstruction, reconciliation, governance reform, and the protection of vulnerable communities.

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Syria's transitional authority missteps on Kurdish issue

ahramonline 

Syria's transitional authority missteps on Kurdish issue

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Dr. Mohamed Ihsan

Monday 12 Jan 2026

Syria’s transitional authority has made a series of serious political and moral mistakes in its handling of the country’s diverse communities.

These mistakes have not been limited to the Kurdish population, but have affected nearly all components of Syrian society.

At the core of the problem lies a dangerous misconception: treating the post-Assad moment as a victory over the Syrian people, rather than a victory over the Assad regime itself.

For more than five decades, Syria was ruled by the Assad family and a narrow security and economic elite that included individuals from multiple sects. Entire communities did not govern the country, nor can they be held collectively responsible for the crimes of that system.

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U.S. National Security Strategy Toward the Middle East: A Broader Strategic Imperative

 By Professor Mohammed Ihsan

U.S. National Security Strategy Toward the Middle East: A Broader Strategic Imperative

For decades, the United States has largely interpreted the Middle East through a threat-centric lens, emphasizing terrorism, regional instability, nuclear proliferation, and the protection of Israel. While these concerns are undeniably real, this narrow framing often obscures the region’s broader geopolitical and economic significance. The Middle East is frequently portrayed as a problematic or unstable zone, yet it plays an essential role in global energy security, global trade, and great-power competition. Overlooking these dimensions creates a strategic imbalance that limits America’s ability to shape long-term outcomes in the region.

The Middle East remains a core pillar of the global energy system. Although the world is gradually transitioning toward renewable energy sources, fossil fuels continue to power much of the global economy, and the region still contains roughly a quarter of the world’s energy resources. The stability of Middle Eastern energy production is closely linked to global economic health. When the region experiences conflict or supply disruptions, energy prices surge, supply chains buckle, and economic ripple effects are felt worldwide. This reality makes the Middle East not merely a security challenge but an indispensable energy anchor for the international system.

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Rewriting the architecture of mediation

Al-Ahram Weekly

4-10 Decmber 2025

Rewriting the architecture of mediation

Dr. Mohamed Ihsan
Thursday 4 Dec 2025
Mediation in the international system is now more distributed, more competitive, and more dependent on regional legitimacy than ever before, with important implications for global diplomacy, writes Mohamed Ihsan

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For much of the post-Cold War period, the United States, Europe, and multilateral institutions such as the United Nations defined the boundaries of diplomatic intervention. They set the terms, organised the negotiating tables, and shaped the compromises.

Today, the centre of gravity is shifting. Mediation is increasingly being driven by regional actors, middle powers, and strategically ambitious states, above all Qatar, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, whose proximity, access, and credibility in local arenas give them a kind of influence that distant superpowers, can no longer easily wield.

Nowhere is this more visible than in the Gaza conflict, where the emerging diplomatic landscape reflects not an improvised response to crisis but a deeper structural reordering of global politics.

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