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40th Anniversary of
Mahdy ben Baraka
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At the outset,
I would like to extend my thanks to the Secretariat of AAPSO for
inviting me to attend the commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of
Bandung Conference. This invitation indeed honours my father’s, El-Mahdy
ben Baraka, memory .He was one of the primary actors in the Afro-Asian
Solidarity movement that extended to Latin America. He carried, in his
heart and mind, the principles of Bandung. Eventually, he fell as a
martyr on 29 October 1965 in his struggle against reactionary trends,
imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism and Zionism.
Half a century
ago, Bandung Conference was held. It was held at the opportune time – at
the moment of strong belief on the part of some African and Asian
leaders in the need to unify the struggle for independence and
liberation from the political and economic hegemony of the old
colonialism and to build new communities governed by
dignity,
freedom and social justice.
Based on these
principles, the Afro-Asian Peoples’ Solidarity Organization (AAPSO) was
founded. Cairo was selected as a seat for the Secretariat to emphasize
the central role that Egypt played then under Nasser’s leadership.
When El-Mahdy
ben Baraka joined the Secretariat in the early 1960s, this was after two
whole decades of struggle against colonialism. He was born in 1920. His
life was influenced by the historical events in the first half of the
20th century, namely, the struggle of the Third World peoples for
political independence and liberation from the colonial domination. El-Mahdy
ben Baraka did not sit on the fence but turned to be one of the key
activists in history. His struggle and intellectual giving exceeded the
Moroccan framework, developing with the progressive historical evolution
and the proposed struggle context. This contribution further developed
with the struggle of El-Mahdy and the political or organizational
responsibilities he shouldered.
He was always
keen to honour the interests and aspirations of the public; believed in
the integration and solidarity of peoples. At the same time, he never
abandoned his responsible and explicit critical view of his personal
experience and that of the liberation movement. Concerning the events
that led to the independence of Morocco in March 1956, he commented:
‘Why did the
national liberation movement, being one of its founders, fail to realize
the purposes of colonialism? Why didn’t we seek to clarify the purposes
and the related consequences to the militants and to explain the need to
identify the requirements of a radical liberation battle? Any
revolutionary movement normally experiences several stages. Everything
has to take place in daylight, there is nothing to hide. Everything has
to be subject to a comprehensive analysis to explain the conditions to
the public.’
In the same
context, he explained his view as regards the independence of several
African countries in the early 1960s as follows:
‘The African
countries have to avoid the risks of neo-colonialism, once they declare
independence. The independence that confines itself to the inherited
structures of colonial domination is a ‘fake’ independence. In
conclusion, it does injustice to the peoples and offers a chance for the
imperialist exploitation to continue.
Our view of
the forms of neo-colonialism in Africa shall remain imperfect if we do
not pay attention to the risks associated with the reactionary forces in
our countries. Imperialism has no chance of survival if it does not hide
behind the interests of the reactionary elements.’
In the period
from 1963 to 1965, after he was sentenced to death by default in the
so-called ‘July Conspiracy’, he sought to strengthen the relation
between his party and the liberation organizations in Africa and Asia.
Through his work at AAPSO Secretariat, he developed strong relations,
based on mutual confidence and appreciation, with the Third World
leaders – heads of state and leaders of revolutionary and progressive
movements. He further realized the sensitivity of this stage of
liberation movement and the need to clearly expound the associated
liabilities.
During the
international seminar on Palestine, held in Cairo in April 1965, El-Mahdy
ben Baraka delivered a presentation on ‘Israel and the Zionist
penetration in Africa ‘. He denounced the role of Israel in Africa .It
was more of the spearhead of neo-colonialism and an agent of the
Portuguese colonial systems and racism in South Africa. He explained his
view toward the Palestinian question:
‘The
Palestinian cause today (1965) has entered in the framework of the
global liberation movement in Asia, Africa and Latin America. It is no
longer a question of Arabs and Jews. It is an Arab revolutionary
movement against colonial forces devoid of any racist fanaticism.
The model that
the liberation battle in Palestine has to follow is similar to the other
models known in Asia, Africa and Latin America.’
With the
1960s, the need to extend the solidarity of Afro-Asian peoples to a
third continent, Latin America, mounted. In May 1965, in Ghana, it was
decided to hold the first conference on the solidarity of the peoples of
the three continents in Havana in January 1966. El-Mahdy ben Baraka was
appointed as Chairman of the Preparatory Committee of the
Conference.This was the natural outcome of the respect and appreciation
of the leaders of the liberation movements to his efficiency and
profound knowledge of the struggle conditions as well as his ability to
mediate between China and the USSR for the interest of the liberation
cause.
In
September 1965, the Conference agenda was announced. A call was directed
to the world peoples, signed by El-Mahdy ben Baraka, Armando Hart (Cuba)
and Youssef El-Sebai from AAPSO:
‘There are
entrenched links among the peoples of the three continents. All faced
the same problems; all are threatened by the same hazards of despotism,
aggression and military intervention.
Our peoples
have been suffering for centuries from exploitation and insult. They are
doomed to an everlasting backwardness and are deprived of the good of
their land. We are determined to put an end to this situation.’
The Conference
was held in January 1966 in the absence of the man who strived to render
it a success. The abduction and assassination of El-Mahdy ben Baraka on
29 October 1965 was part of a conspiratorial scheme to liquidate the
symbols and elements that motivate and unify the liberation struggle in
Africa, Asia and Latin America. The liquidation decision-makers and
perpetrators of this crime were top-level figures in conformity with the
stature of the victimized figure and the danger he constituted on the
interests of reactionary trends, imperialism and Zionism. The political
decision was taken at the highest level in Morocco. The decision was
carried out at the hands of the Moroccan Minister of the Interior,
Director of the National Security and his assistants as well as the
guerrilla and mercenary. This was in collusion with members in the
French, US and Zionist intelligence bodies.
Today, after
almost 40 years of this crime, there are still some ambivalent aspects
in the case despite the remarkable actions taken due to the persistence
and steadfastness of El-Mahdy’s family, attorneys and friends. Some key
questions have not been answered yet:
* Have all the
individuals as well as the state bodies involved in the crime been
identified?
* What are the
conditions of assassination?
* Who are the
murderers?
* Where is the
body of El-Mahdy ben Baraka?
These issues
relate to the theme of this conference .The pursuit of truth as regards
the destiny of El-Mahdy ben Baraka is not only a moral necessity to his
family but also a struggle to disclose and denounce the criminal
practices that victimized one of the most loyal advocates of Bandung
principles . What would the situation in the Third World have been like
without the political assassinations of generations of the cultured
elite, trade unionists and political militants who advocated the
aspirations of their peoples and countries like Lumumba, Cabral,
Guevara, Allende and El-Mahdy ben Baraka ?
AAPSO was
founded immediately after the tripartite aggression against Egypt in
1956 as a reaction on the part of the active forces in Africa and Asia
.Ever since, the Organization has morally and financially supported the
national liberation movements in both continents. At present, AAPSO
extends its
activities in line with those of the democratic and progressive forces
worldwide that work against the criminal schemes of the USA and its
allies and agents. This requires networking among these forces through
new forms of cooperation and solidarity to realize the common
objectives, the objectives of the Afro-Asian Solidarity movement since
Bandung Conference.
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El-Basher
ben Baraka
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